Beyond the village constellation of castes and roles, a specific relationship caught the attention of the council`s researchers. They brought back a common form of engagement in Punjab, called Siri, where landowners with landless workers would contract to provide various agricultural services for an entire season in exchange for part of the harvest. This was not a form of rent with an absent landowner, nor was there a fixed list of tasks to be performed or delivered objects, as in the sepidari agreements. Although they were sometimes referred to as „field workers”, siri resembled constant but unequal companions on farms who, in every aspect of the crop, worked with „Z-chn-proper” (Jodhka Reference Jodhka2002, 1816; Ram Reference Ram2004, 899; See prakash 1990 reference; Viswanath-Referenz Viswanath2014). Critics argue that economic liberalization has benefited only a small elite and left behind the poor, especially the lowest Hindu caste of the Dalits. But a recent high-quality survey revealed striking improvements in the standard of living of Dalits over the past two decades. Television ownership has gone from zero to 45 per cent; Owning a mobile phone from zero to 36 per cent; possession of two wheels (motorcycles, scooters, mopeds) from zero to 12.3%; Children who eat yesterday`s leftovers increased from 95.9% to 16.2%… Dalits run their own businesses from 6 percent to 37 percent; And the proportion of agricultural workers rose from 46.1% to 20.5%. When he was younger, Gandhi contradicted some of Ambedkar`s observations, justifications and interpretations of the caste system in India. „Caste,” he said, „saved Hinduism from disintegration. But like any institution, it has suffered from desires. He considered the four divisions of Varnas to be fundamental, natural and essential. He felt that the countless sub-funds or Jatis were an obstacle.
He pleaded for all Jatis to merge for a more global division of Varnas. [Citation required] In the 1930s, Gandhi began to ensure that the idea of heredity in caste was rejected, arguing that „the acceptance of superiority by each person over every other is a sin against God and against man. Thus, caste, to the extent that it designs distinctions in status, is an evil.  Vivekananda criticized caste as one of the many human institutions that excludes the power of free thought and the action of an individual. Caste or no caste, no profession of faith, any man, class, caste, nation or institution that excludes the power of free thought and the action of an individual is evil and must perish. Freedom of thought and action, Vivekananda said, is the only condition of life, growth and well-being.  Sociologist Anne Waldrop notes that while outsiders view the term caste as a historically stereotypical static phenomenon of India, empirical evidence suggests that caste was a radically changing characteristic. This term means different things to different Indians. In the context of modern, politically active India, where employment and school rates are reserved for caste-based samtaton, the term has become a sensitive and controversial subject.
 „The B P Mandal Commission, established in 1978, presented its report in 1982 to the government of the day, Indira Gandhi.